President Trump has been saying that 'we are being distracted' from positive results
coming in on the economy. So I checked in with Copilot on that.
Hmm...The US economy appears to be doing really well, and the balance of payments is
looking a tad better.
Q1
The U.S. economy contracted slightly in Q1 2025, with real GDP falling at an annualized rate of –0.3%. This marks a reversal from the +2.4% growth seen in Q4 2024.
π Key Figures (Q1 2025)
Real GDP change: –0.3% (annualized)
Previous quarter (Q4 2024): +2.4% growth
Drivers of contraction:
Imports surged (over 40% increase in goods), which subtracts from GDP
Government spending decreased
Offsetting factors: Consumer spending, investment, and exports rose modestly
π§ Interpretation
Trade dynamics: The sharp rise in imports ahead of new tariff policies was the main drag. Since imports are counted as a subtraction in GDP, this exaggerated the contraction.
Mixed signals: While headline GDP was negative, underlying demand (consumer spending and investment) remained resilient.
Policy implications:
The contraction may push the Federal Reserve to consider easing rates.
However, inflation pressures could complicate monetary policy decisions.
π Broader Context
First contraction in 3 years: Revised estimates suggest this is the first quarterly decline since the pandemic recovery stabilized.
Year-on-year growth: Still positive at about +2% compared to Q1 2024.
Outlook: Early Q2 2025 data shows a rebound (+0.9% growth), suggesting Q1’s dip may have been temporary.
Q2
Yes — U.S. GDP grew strongly in Q2 2025, rising at an annualized rate of about 3.8%. This rebound followed the –0.5% contraction in Q1 2025, marking the strongest quarterly performance since late 2023.
π Key Q2 2025 GDP Figures
Growth rate (annualized): +3.8% (final estimate, upgraded from +3.0% advance and +3.3% second estimate)
Quarter-over-quarter change: +0.9% compared to Q1 2025
Dollar value (SAAR): ≈ $7.62 trillion
Year-on-year growth: +2.1% vs Q2 2024
π§ Drivers of Growth
Imports fell sharply (–29% to –30%) after a tariff-driven surge in Q1, boosting net trade.
Consumer spending strengthened, especially in services (+2.6%) and goods (+2.2%).
Business investment surged, led by equipment (+8.5%) and intellectual property (+15%).
Government spending was slightly negative, but less of a drag than in Q1.
Residential investment declined further (–5.1%), reflecting weakness in housing.
π Context & Implications
Reversal from Q1: The contraction in Q1 was largely due to import surges; Q2’s drop in imports corrected that imbalance.
Momentum: Strong consumer demand and AI-driven business investment suggest underlying resilience despite policy headwinds.
Policy angle: The better-than-expected growth led to renewed debate over Federal Reserve interest rate decisions.
π Big Picture
Q2 2025 marks a return to solid growth, showing the U.S. economy’s ability to rebound quickly from trade distortions.
With GDP at $7.62 trillion SAAR, the U.S. remains firmly on track for ~2% annual growth in 2025.
Risks remain in housing and exports, but domestic demand is carrying the economy forward.
Q3
Yes — U.S. GDP grew strongly in Q3 2025, rising at an annualized rate of about 3.6%. This marks a decisive acceleration compared to Q2’s 3.8% growth, showing continued momentum in the economy.
π Key Q3 2025 GDP Figures
Growth rate (annualized): +3.6%
Quarter-over-quarter change (seasonally adjusted): +1.2%
Year-over-year growth: +3.6% (above forecasts of ~2.8%)
Dollar value (SAAR): ≈ $7.71 trillion
π§ Drivers of Growth
Final consumption (private + public): Main engine of expansion, supported by rising employment, strong real wages, and elevated public spending.
Fixed investment: +4.8% year-over-year, led by machinery and equipment (+13.9%).
Construction: Mixed — housing declined (–8.6%), while other structures grew (+3.9%).
Inventories: Fell, suggesting demand is running ahead of supply, which lifted imports.
π Context
Momentum: This is the strongest back-to-back quarterly growth since 2021, with Q2 and Q3 both above 3%.
Trade balance: Imports rose again as demand outpaced supply, but domestic consumption offset the drag.
Policy angle: Strong growth complicates Federal Reserve decisions — inflation risks remain, but resilience in wages and spending supports higher rates longer.
π Implications
Short-term: The U.S. economy is running hotter than expected, with consumer demand and investment driving growth.
Medium-term: Housing weakness and inventory drawdowns could temper momentum in Q4.
Long-term: Persistent reliance on consumption and public spending raises sustainability questions, especially if investment slows.
With respect to balance of payments, what is the historical trend as a percentage of GDP?
The U.S. balance of payments (current account) has shown a persistent deficit since the early 1980s, averaging about –2% to –3% of GDP, with extremes ranging from a small surplus in the early 1980s to a record deficit near –6% of GDP in 2006.
π Historical Trend (% of GDP)
1960s–1970s: Mostly balanced or small surpluses, reflecting strong U.S. export position.
Early 1980s: Brief surplus (record high +0.16% of GDP in 1981).
Mid-1980s onward: Persistent deficits as imports rose faster than exports.
2006: Record low –5.9% of GDP.
2010s: Stabilized around –2% to –3% of GDP.
2020–2024:
2020: –2.8%
2021: –3.6%
2022: –3.8%
2023: –3.3%
2024: –4.0%
Q4 2024: –4.1% of GDP
2025 (latest): Narrowed in Q2 to 3.3% of GDP, widened again in Q3 to ~4.1%.
π§ Interpretation
Structural deficit: Since the 1980s, the U.S. has consistently imported more goods than it exports, while services and investment income provide partial offsets.
Volatility: Sharp swings often occur around trade policy changes, oil price shocks, or global demand shifts.
Financing: Persistent deficits are financed by capital inflows, reflecting the U.S. dollar’s reserve currency role and attractiveness to investors.
Recent trend: The deficit has deepened since 2021, hovering around –3% to –4% of GDP, though Q2 2025 showed an unusual narrowing due to import corrections.
π Big Picture
The U.S. has not run a sustained surplus since the early 1990s.
The long-run average deficit is about –2.7% of GDP over the past decade.
Current levels (–3% to –4%) are historically large but below the extreme mid-2000s lows.
* * *
My personnal take on this would be that, indeed the US is not exporting, in the historical sense. But US companies are producing goods in other countries, taking advantage of lower labour costs and generally working closer to where the inputs are. Am I right?
You’re hitting on a very important structural shift in how “U.S. exports” are defined today. You’re broadly right:
π How U.S. Companies Operate Abroad
Offshoring & Global Supply Chains: Since the 1980s, many U.S. firms moved production abroad to take advantage of lower labor costs, proximity to raw materials, and growing consumer markets.
Foreign Affiliates: Goods produced by U.S. companies overseas often don’t show up as U.S. exports, because they’re technically counted as exports of the host country. Instead, they appear in the U.S. balance of payments as foreign direct investment (FDI) and income from abroad.
Services vs. Goods: The U.S. still exports heavily in services (finance, software, intellectual property, entertainment), but in goods, much of the “U.S. brand” production happens offshore.
π Balance of Payments Impact
Goods Trade Deficit: Imports of physical goods dominate the current account deficit.
Primary Income Surplus: U.S. companies earn profits from their overseas affiliates, which show up as positive investment income in the balance of payments. This partially offsets the goods deficit.
Structural Picture: So while the U.S. “doesn’t export” in the traditional sense of shipping manufactured goods abroad, it exports capital, technology, and brand power, then earns returns on those investments.
π§ Historical Context
1960s–1970s: U.S. exports were largely manufactured goods produced domestically.
1980s onward: Globalization shifted production to Asia, Latin America, and elsewhere.
Today: Apple iPhones, Nike shoes, and GM cars are produced abroad, but the profits flow back to U.S. headquarters.
✅ So your take is correct: the U.S. balance of payments reflects this reality. The goods deficit looks large, but the income surplus from overseas operations shows how U.S. firms are still deeply embedded in global trade — just not in the old “Made in USA, shipped abroad” model.
Here’s the side‑by‑side chart you asked for, showing how the goods trade deficit (always negative) is partly offset by the primary income surplus (profits from U.S. companies abroad).

π What It Shows
Goods trade balance: Deeply negative, reflecting heavy reliance on imports.
Primary income balance: Consistently positive, showing strong earnings from U.S. firms’ overseas operations.
Q2 2025 correction: Imports dropped sharply, narrowing the goods deficit, while income flows stayed steady.
π§ Interpretation
This chart illustrates your point perfectly: U.S. companies may not “export” goods in the traditional sense, but they earn abroad through foreign affiliates.
The goods deficit drags the current account down, but the income surplus cushions it, preventing the balance of payments from being even worse.
It highlights the structural shift: the U.S. is now more of a capital and services exporter than a goods exporter.
Would you like me to extend this comparison back to 2010–2025 so you can see how the goods deficit and income surplus have evolved over time?
Is there any way of judging how 'healthy' this is? Exports are not profits, but income might be!!??
That’s a sharp observation, Louise — and it gets to the heart of how economists judge the “health” of the U.S. external accounts. Let’s break it down:
π Exports vs. Income
Exports (goods & services):
They measure what the U.S. sells abroad.
They contribute directly to GDP.
But they don’t necessarily mean profits — selling more goods doesn’t guarantee higher margins.
Primary income (profits, dividends, interest from abroad):
This reflects what U.S. companies earn on their overseas investments.
It’s closer to “profits” in the sense you mean, because it’s net income flowing back to U.S. residents.
In recent decades, this surplus has consistently cushioned the goods trade deficit.
π§ How Economists Judge “Health”
Sustainability of the Deficit:
A current account deficit isn’t automatically “bad.”
If it’s financed by stable capital inflows (foreign investors buying U.S. assets), it can be sustainable.
The U.S. dollar’s reserve currency role makes this easier than for other countries.
Composition of Flows:
A deficit driven by consumer imports with little offset is less healthy.
A deficit offset by strong primary income (profits abroad) is healthier, because it shows U.S. firms are competitive globally.
Net International Investment Position (NIIP):
Despite decades of deficits, the U.S. still earns more on its foreign assets than foreigners earn on U.S. assets.
This “exorbitant privilege” reflects the U.S. exporting capital and brand power, not just goods.
π Practical Takeaway
Exports ≠ profits. They boost GDP, but margins vary.
Income flows ≈ profits. They show U.S. firms are embedded globally and earning returns.
The U.S. external position looks “healthy” as long as:
Primary income remains strongly positive,
Capital inflows remain stable,
The deficit doesn’t balloon beyond ~5–6% of GDP for long periods.
✅ So your instinct is right: the U.S. may not export goods in the old sense, but it exports capital, technology, and brand power, and the income from those flows is what keeps the balance of payments from being truly unhealthy.
Is there any other country in this kind of situation? What about China?
Yes — the U.S. is unusual but not unique. China is in almost the opposite situation: it runs large goods trade surpluses but negative primary income flows, whereas the U.S. runs large goods deficits but positive primary income flows.
π§ Why the Difference?
U.S.:
Multinationals produce abroad, but profits flow back home.
The U.S. “exports capital and brand power” rather than goods.
This creates a goods deficit but income surplus.
China:
Factories in China export goods worldwide, creating a large trade surplus.
But foreign companies (Apple, Volkswagen, Samsung, etc.) earn heavily inside China and repatriate profits.
China’s outward investment is smaller and less profitable, so income flows are negative.
π Implications
U.S. model: Relies on globalized production and strong overseas earnings. The “health” depends on whether those profits remain stable.
China’s model: Relies on manufacturing exports. Its challenge is that foreign firms capture much of the value added, so China’s income balance is weaker.
Other countries in similar situations:
Ireland, Luxembourg, Singapore: Like the U.S., they earn more abroad than they export in goods, thanks to multinational headquarters.
Germany, Japan: More like China, with strong goods surpluses but weaker income balances.
✅ So you’re right: the U.S. is unusual in that its profits abroad offset its trade deficit, while China is unusual in the opposite way — exports look strong, but net income flows are negative because foreign firms dominate production inside China.
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