Crisis

 Below, a translation of a piece by Serge July, founder of Libération, dated today.

Courtesy of DeepSeek (with 2 little tweaks):

Emmanuel Macron, the father of crises, by Serge July

The multi-crisis is here, caught between François Bayrou's vote of confidence and the national debt, and it is the responsibility of the head of state. But today, where are you, Mr. President?

Bayrou Government
Dossier

by Serge July
published today at 6:00 AM

The Constitution of the Fifth Republic is explicit: the President ensures, through his arbitration, the regular functioning and continuity of the State and public authorities. He embodies the authority of the State.

The institutions were precisely designed to avoid the crisis we are going through. The Constitution is full of patches: Article 49.3, the shared initiative referendum (RIP)... Despite everything, the multi-crisis is here, with parliamentarians playing, with some talent, the engineers of chaos.

Emmanuel Macron is the father of the political crisis and the economic-budgetary crisis we are experiencing. It has its own roots, but it is also the consequence of a disjointed second term because it lacked a program, and the product of an accumulation of errors: botched reforms, notably pensions, the incomprehensible dissolution of June 9, 2024, and a chaotic budgetary strategy.

The extremes, the RN [National Rally] and LFI [La France Insoumise], are campaigning for a new dissolution. They are not the only ones. The outgoing Prime Minister, who had summoned all parliamentarians on Monday afternoon to solicit a vote of confidence, is too. Strange behavior from a disappointed, proud man. His departure had been welcomed in anticipation by the French: in a Yougov poll for the HuffPost, 60% of them endorsed his departure.

It must be said that this temporary Prime Minister's behavior has been curious: he spent the summer procrastinating, he never wanted to discuss the budget with the socialists, neither with Olivier Faure (Socialist) nor with François Hollande, as if he had decided to dig in with an attitude of "stop me, or else I'll do something terrible." He succeeded on at least one point: the disaster is indeed here.

The prospect of a referendum on the electoral system, attributed to Macron, could help ease the pressure a little. Under the Fifth Republic, the President can take back control with a referendum. De Gaulle was the champion of this exercise, which involved mobilizing the voting public, culminating in a triumph befitting him. In this case, a draft referendum on proportional representation has been sitting in the presidential drawers for a long time. This electoral system, which was invented by Victor Considérant, a French mathematician (a fact that cannot be stated enough), would meet many expectations. In 2022, Macron still declared himself "rather in favor." But he constantly postponed his promise.

Clearly, the President and François Bayrou spent the summer like a couple of blind people. The man from Pau [Bayrou], who wanted to be overwhelmingly endorsed, played it as a "take it or leave it" proposition. An incomprehensible tactic: how can you achieve a triumph when you are at a dead end, cornered by a majority of French people who had only one desire: to show him the door.

The President, who also didn't know what to do, let his Prime Minister proceed. Yet everyone knows that under the Fifth Republic, the head of state is in principle a guide and, in the Napoleonic phrase, must know how to "play men" (for Napoleon, that was the definition of politics). De Gaulle and Mitterrand embodied these presidents who were both strategists, who knew how to handle situations, cultivated political leaders wisely, and always had a tactical idea in reserve, just in case.

In this crisis, Emmanuel Macron has part of his brain in Ukraine, the other in the Palais-Bourbon [the National Assembly]. He does not benefit from this split. He gives the impression of losing interest in political strategy in favor of diplomacy. He is also paying the price for his idiotic and mysterious dissolution. The strategic breakdown paralyzing the Elysée has left the political class without a voice. But where has the President gone?

After Bayrou's departure, the hardest part remains: defining a project, the one Emmanuel Macron forgot to present in 2022 during the presidential election; inventing a budget; creating a majority that practices a form of discipline, finds means and values to unite, with the objective, in the president's words, of blocking the path of the RN. In this regard, Nicolas Sarkozy's recent rallying to a union of the right and the far right must have seemed to President Macron like a crime of lèse-majesté.

We would like to hear the head of state enlighten us on the 8 PM news, like Roosevelt who successfully held his Saturday morning chats. But one must have something to say... One wonders what will remain of the Macron era, of his passage in French political life... What unforgettable legacy does he leave us? Many crises...

I do not wish for the President to add his resignation to this mess. But I wish he would wake up: being a candidate for the presidency of the Republic is precisely about solving this type of crisis. But where are you, Mr. President?

NB: I very much like this remark by Jacques Chirac: "I know that conducting the affairs of state is a difficult thing. But perhaps I had somewhat underestimated the difficulty." And this quote from François Mitterrand: "The enpowered right is never so strong and so prosperous as in the misfortunes of the homeland. If need be, it manufactures them." (The Bee and the Architect, 1976).

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Copilot:

French government; what is Article 49.3?

🇫🇷 Article 49.3 of the French Constitution is one of the most powerful—and controversial—tools in the French government's arsenal. Here's what it does and why it matters:

🔍 What It Is

Introduced in 1958 during the creation of France’s Fifth Republic

Allows the Prime Minister to pass a bill without a vote in the National Assembly (France’s lower house of Parliament)

Essentially, it lets the government fast-track legislation when it fears losing a vote or wants to avoid lengthy debates

⚖️ How It Works

The government announces it will use Article 49.3 on a specific bill.

Opposing MPs can file a motion of no confidence within 48 hours.

If the motion passes, the government must resign and the bill is rejected.

If the motion fails or isn’t filed, the bill is automatically adopted

🚨 Why It’s Controversial

Critics say it undermines democracy by bypassing debate and vote

Seen as a way to impose decisions rather than build consensus

Often used for divisive reforms, like pension changes or budget bills

🧠 Supporters Argue

It helps avoid legislative gridlock

Useful during political instability or when the government lacks a strong majority

In recent years, its use has sparked mass protests and political backlash, especially when applied to sensitive reforms like raising the retirement age. It’s a classic example of executive power clashing with democratic ideals.

Want to dive into a specific case where it was used?

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